Product Description
After September 11, 2001, Pakistan’s president, Pervez Musharraf, vowed to fight extremism in his country and has since established himself as a key ally in America’s “global war on terror.” But as veteran Pakistani journalist and commentator Zahid Hussain reveals in this book, Musharraf is in an impossible position. The Pakistani army and intelligence services are thoroughly penetrated by jihadists. In fact, the current government came into power through its support of radical Islamist groups, such as those fighting in Kashmir.
Based on exclusive interviews with key players and grassroots radicals, Hussain exposes the threads of Pakistan’s complex political power web and the consequences of Musharraf’s decision to support the U.S.’s drive against jihadism, which essentially took Pakistan to war with itself. He recounts the origins and nature of the jihadi movement in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the long-standing and often denied links between militants and Pakistani authorities, the weaknesses of successive elected governments, and the challenges to Musharraf’s authority posed by politico-religious, sectarian, and civil society elements within the country.
The jihadi madrassas of Pakistan are incubators of the most feared terrorists in the world. Osama bin Laden himself is believed to be hiding close to the Pakistani border. Although the country’s “war on terror” has so far been a stage show, a very real battle is looming, the outcome of which will have grave implications for the future security of the world., reviewing a previous edition or volume
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Zahid Hussain touches on an important topic: Pakistan’s ongoing and impending war with its own self and the tough choices ahead of President Musharraf.
The support from Public Opinion in Pakistan for terrorism as a tool to further beloved causes is worrying. The ease with which sundry pet agendas could be converted into beloved causes is twice worrying.
In order to contain global terrorism emanating from Pakistan or having a safe haven in Pakistan two things need to be done:
(a) Public opinion will have to undergo a change in Pakistan. Public opinion is useful only when it derives from the “wisdom of the crowd”. This benefit would not arise unless opposing thoughts and beliefs can “co-exist peacefully”. Good leaders “discredit” public opinion if it denies room for such peaceful co-existence. Mahtma Gandhi did. Bad leaders, on the other hand, whip up public opinioin to radically extreme positions using intolerance. Adolf Hitler did. Military rulers in Pakistan are guilty of whipping up public opinion to take a self righteous radical form that destroys opposing thoughts, reasons and emotions.
(b) Defending one’s religion is one’s right. Giving one’s life for one’s religion, one’s country or one’s society is a noble deed. This is true for Americans dying for the Flag and Muslims dying for their holy causes. However, immature leadership is quick to provide its pet agenda a higher purpose to merit the label of a “noble cause”. In Pakistan this seems to be too easy. Military, whether in rule or not, has used religious leadership to provide the “emotional ammunition” to enlist support for every thing including a proxy fight against Soviet Union on behalf of USA, a proxy fight against the perceived foreign policy of USA, a proxy fight against one faction of freedom fighters in Afghanistan in favour of another, a proxy fight on behalf of Pakistan’s army itself in various engagements in/with India.
As a result, the postal address for global terrorism is somewhere within Pakistan.
President Musharraf is now forced to:
(a) appear to the outside World to be firm in dealing with relgion based terrorism and
(b) appear to Pakistanis to not succumb to international pressure and to support the radical public opinion in Pakistan.
Quite a funambulation even for the skillful Musharraf. Musharraf does appear sincere in attempting to weed out terrorism; but does not appear sincere in having a go at modifying public opinion in Pakistan. His challenges in doing so cannot be underestimated.
Zahid Hussain is the Pakistani correspondent of The Times, The Wall Street Journal and Newsweek. His dispassionate insightful analysis of Pakistan’s struggle with militant Islam is excellent. As with most books about Pakistan, there is excellent analysis of the present but no thought from anyone in Pakistan on how to solve the problem. The absence of an alternative thought or the unwillingness of such thought to express itself is hardly Zahid Hussain’s fault.
Rating: 3 / 5
An excellent book. Hussain packs in quite a few historical, religious, and political details in this book on the history, pulse, politics, and Islamic culture of Pakistan. Readers who know nothing about Pakistan may feel a bit overwhelmed, as there is quite a bit of historical (and present day!) review. But, having read this book, you will be brought considerably up to speed on the events of Pakistan, particularly since the Presidency of Zia al-Haq. Hussain does not spend much time with the Bhuttos, but does a fine job critically examining the leadership and the burdens faced by Perves Musharraf. A very good book.
Rating: 5 / 5
This book is a very good primer for anyone looking to learn more about this very pivotal nation in the “War on Terror”. The book is basically a short history of Pakistan with a detailed accounting of that history from 2001 to 2006. This is a great work for readers to introduce themselves to this country and how it relates to the rise of radical militancy. The author does a great job hitting the major points, and giving readers a nice window into this very complex nation.
What the author does well is explaining the dichotomous society that is Pakistan, and he details the difficulties that Pakistan’s leadership face in trying to bridge the gap and unite this nation of very disparate groups of people. Pakistan is a nation of stark contrasts; large modern cities with a vibrant middle class looking for a more democratic and secular state that will be more accommodating to their needs against this backdrop lies the Northwest frontier with its lawless regions full of radical madrassas funded by Sunni extremists catering to the rural poor, while the army attempts to placate both sides which ends up alienating everyone, this is the setting for one of the worlds most important battles. Pakistan has become a very important bellwether state that may determine how successful we have been in combating extremism because of the very dichotomy that threatens to rip this nation apart.
Another important element this book details is how there are no easy explanations for this extremism because the violence and extremism that emanates from Pakistan has many roots. It isn’t just extreme religious violence, but instead has many causes along with focal points as well. The violence is also nationalistic, ethnic, local and foreign along with the religious components. This makes the violence and extremism much more difficult to combat because it is a many headed beast. Kashmir is a part of it, but so to is the Pashtuns fierce independence and complete refusal to be governed, but there is also the religious aspect with the funding for radical madrassas from states like Saudi Arabia and the call to rid Afghanistan of its “foreign” invaders once again. It is due to this extremely complex relationship between all of these causes and the ideas that help drive them that makes Pakistan such a seemingly intractable problem. This book does a great job in laying out all these different issues.
The author suggests that in the end true democracy may be the only prescription for what ails this nation. I agree with this assertion, but the question is will the army ever take a back seat when they are basically a state within a state, but also will the Western world (especially the US) accept the good with what will be a very real bad that comes with true democracy? Pakistan has been a failure over the last decade. Part of the reason is the West’s insistence on treating the symptoms rather than the much more difficult and long term solution of dealing with the cause. Kashmir and Indian Pakistani relations will have to find a solution both sides can live with. Instead of supplying Pakistan with billions in aid for military equipment the West needs to supply building materials, textbooks and training for teachers who can prepare the next generation of Pakistanis for a positive productive future rather than a future fighting in Afghanistan or Indian controlled Kashmir, or even worse inside of Pakistan’s own borders.
The West and the world cannot afford for Pakistan to become a failed state. As time has past Pakistan has become more important to the “War on Terror” than Afghanistan. Books like this one will help readers understand the problems we face here, and the importance of our continued attention and focus on this problem. As this work suggests the problems are manifold and the solutions complex and dangerous, but the price of failure here demands we remain focused and vigilant.
Rating: 4 / 5
I’m a USMC infantry / civil affairs officer who is anticipating a possible tour to Afghanistan as Iraq becomes less all encompassing. Given the importance of Pakistan to the Afghan fight / situation I’m working on building my understanding of the country and its militants. FRONTLINE PAKISTAN is a very readable, clearly laid out book which does a good job of laying out the role of militants in Pakistan, ISI’s linkages and describing the various groups. A strong recommendation for someone looking for a good, practical book which is easy to understand and not overly academic. It remains very timely.
Rating: 4 / 5
There’s no option to choose four and a half stars. The missing half star comes from a lacking of a review of Pakistan’s history around (before and little after 1947) and the ethnic composytion of the country. Maybe I’m demanding too much. The book gives a good account of recent developments, regarding the diverse islamists groups, islamic parties, and the role of the army and ISI in arming and steering them. Filled a void of information I had about this important player in the regional chess.
Rating: 5 / 5